Sleep, the saviour

Sleep is a helping intervention.

Sleeping is beautiful. No matter how much one wants to keep awake, she would love her sleep. If you are a morning riser, nothing seems more beautiful than catching up a few last fleeing naps. Alarms go on snooze mode as if they act on their own. You don't remember doing anything to alarm many a time. You regret having overslept only when some emotional or financial matter is involved about time on that particular day. 

There are only few people who wake up from slumber to do nothing. Sleep is like charging the ever dying battery of your cellphone. Even if the battery is dying, you wish it lasts till you reach home in the evening. Yet you can't resist the temptation of scanning one or the other app anticipating any SocMed droplets. As you reach home and plug your charger in the socket and connect your phone, you feel having been resuscitated.

Once I heard a few psychologists and psychiatrists saying on Doordarshan that "loss of sleep does induce any chemical change in brain". Also heard in a BBC radio documentary that "sleeping is an acquired character".

Acquired means human beings were originally not meant to sleep. They didn't require to sleep to keep doing what they did - hunt, eat, defecate and procreate. But as they developed a line of thinking that goaded them for doing non-consumptive work, they started hunting more than they required. Food became a little surplus. The feeble bodied - owing to old age or post-infancy-childhood emotional connect - started getting food arranged by more able-bodied persons. This led to the arrival of non-essential leisure.

Animals take rest because they understand their food takes time to get digested and also to store energy for next hunt. Humans developed a different tendency of not-putting in extra hard work that someone else could do. But this could lead to fights among the herd, we now call community. Privilege must have been challenged as those who were going out to hunt and gather food put their lives at risk.

Life has, naturally, been more prized than emotion or finances. Love for one's life is the fundamental cause behind the demand for right to equality. By the generation this fight for equality happened, the humans might have developed skills, tools and art of hunting big with greater ease. This gave them plenty of leisure.

Secondly, humans are one of those species which can't see in the dark. Their eyes are equipped to see only in the light. It is not certain if they ever had the ability to see in the dark. It is largely presumed that during their hunting-gathering phase, they did not have the ability to see in the dark. They had to have forced-leisure at night when the sun lit the other half of the world.

But some of the animals, humans hunted and which must have identified humans as their enemies, had the ability to see in the dark. A number of predators see with their thermal imaging powers. Movement by humans would have made them an easy target. Animals know that life moves. Movement is a sign of life. Moving object is a prey.

Leisure due to excess of food and immobility for the fear of life perhaps induced the attribute of sleep among humans. But the waking gene is still active. You might have gotten out of your slumber feeling very hungry or thirsty. Nature calls are the most frequent reason for coming out of slumber. These wake-ups are physical necessity-induced.

You also get up if someone calls out for you. Or, some rumbling is happening in the surrounding. The waking gene gives power to the brain to identify threat and induce fear in the sleeping person making her come out of slumber and run for life.

It is fear for life that causes a sleeping person wake up even at the slightest of rumblings. If a person is sure of the surrounding sounds - for example sleeping in the room where a power generator is running - she would not get up by its sound. 

A child usually doesn't get up hearing the pressure whistle of the cooker but she would get up if you turn the pages of a newspaper. She is used to that sound of pressure whistle as it reaches her while she stays in the womb but the other sound does not.

Fear, food and defecation wake you up naturally. Rest civilisational wake-ups.

Human brain is considered most productive. It is supposed to be the only living entity that produces and works for producing things that the body can't consume. Brain being brain, it put the act of sleeping to work. Information is key. Brain needs information. Because brain is a problem-solving machine. It is designed to solve problems, seek answers to questions, unravel puzzles.

For all these functions, brain needs information, stored. Power storage of information was difficult or inefficient in purely consumptive phase. It was not required. New problems were slow at coming. But as non-consumptive phase began, volume of problems, situations swelled. 

A better repository of information was required. Brain put its sleep to use. Information was recycled during sleep. Brain became the other kidney. Unnecessary information was filtered out. Necessary ones were stored. This arrangement allowed humans to improve with every single sleep.

Sleeping still improves us. It has now become a bigger necessity than ever. We don't receive information any more. We live in information. Information is drowning us. Information is suffocating us. Information is killing us. Sleep can save us. Sleep should be given a chance. Sleep should not be adulterated. Sleep purification is required for survival of humans and to prevent them from becoming a colony of man-made machines.

What is my religion Your Honour: A letter to CJI that I could not post





Former CJI Dipak Misra with journalists on his last working day at the Supreme Court. (Photo: Prabhakar Mishra)


To

The Chief Justice of India

The Supreme Court, New Delhi

Subject: My Lord, please tell me my religion

Honourable My Lord,

What has reached your desk honourable CJI is a quest with the fundamental hope of finding the answer. I am searching for my religion. Since religion gives identity to an individual in our country, it is absolutely essential for me to know my religion.

The Constitution, though itself secular, recognizes and validates religion, castes and sub-castes. I have been filling up forms from the age of 13 or 14 myself for various purposes – first for registration for pre-board examination, board examination, college admission, pre-medical tests, civil services examinations conducted by UPSC and state commissions, then for jobs and interviews, for PAN, for Aadhaar and now repeating the same for my daughter. In every single form that I have filled in for some meaningful, as considered by the government, purpose, I have been asked to mention my religion.

It was always easy for my siblings, friends and colleagues to fill that column – some of them filling that particular box with pride – I always struggled. My name is Prabhash Kumar Dutta, s/o Sitakant Dutta (not giving further details here w.r.t. address etc).

My name gives away what people usually perceive as my religion. I did not choose my name. It could easily have been Parvez but for an accident we call birth in a particular family. Owing to that accident, I have been told and hence ticking up the boxes in forms that read Hindu or Hinduism. Things were not in so much of conflict always. Conflict began with my failures and grew along. Now, I seek help from the Custodian of the Indian Constitution. I don’t trust the governments because they change every five years, rather people’s will changes every five years. Religion is permanent.

Around the age of 18, when my father struggled to get me enrolled in the voter’s list – it would then provide us the “real identity card” -- I first turned to the Constitution of India. Before that I had been reading cricket books, Bal Krishna stories, tales of Rama, Shiva, Vishnu, Shakti or Durga. I believed Lord Rama, Lord Krishna, Shiva, Vishnu and Durga were all from the same family of religion. But, if someone like my elder brother said “No” to some non-vegetarian food, my mummy would snap back saying, “Tu baishnab chhihi ki? Apan parivaar mein keyo baishnab nai chhai. Tu baishnab nai bha sakati chhihi. Tu maus, maachh aa anda khenai nai chhodi sakati chhihi. (Are you a Vaishnav? No one in our family is a Vaishnav. You can’t be a Vaishnav. You can’t stop eating meat, fish or egg).”

There were loads of devotion among people. As a child, I visited Siwan Gandhi Maidan during Ram Navami celebrations to do circumambulation of a makeshift temple there. Seers from “all over the country” would come and enlighten the masses with their interpretation of dharma, shastra, religious texts and the changing world. In one of those gatherings a seer/saint, perhaps Sant Parashar (I don’t know who he was), explained to people that Sumitra was the wisest politician in the Ramayan age. She had 50 per cent of King Dashratha’s sons but was not destined to be treated as the Queen Mother. She partnered one of her sons with Rama and the other with Bharata as she was well aware that one of them would succeed to the throne after Dashrarath. Lakshamana and Shatrughna stood no chance. With this arrangement, she ensured that one of her sons would enjoy power by proxy and she would be Queen Mother by proxy. The saint explained the situation thus or my elders told me that the saint explained the situation thus. And, he was still considered a saint and an ardent devotee of Lord Rama.

I waited for Mahashivaratri, Janmashtami and also Durga Puja and Diwali. But, when there was a cricket match, I would skip everything else. Cricket manuals were the ultimate gospels for me. But, then that was “not my religion”.

When I read the Constitution for the first time, I did not gather anything. I had heard that Constitution was law. It was legal. It had to be a legal grammar. But what I read was plain grammar and a lot more commonsense. It was a set of dos and (in variance) don’ts. How the Constitution can be so simple and explanatory, I wondered. My failure in understanding the Constitution continued. It still continues. But, what I understood after a few readings – some time in the late 1990s, when I contracted chicken pox for the first time and rendered immobile – was that the Constitution was a brilliant work of a bunch of intellectuals, who decided how the country would be governed and how people were expected to get their dues. Even in the matters of religion.

The Preamble to the Constitution proclaims on the behalf of the nation that the State would be secular.With this began another search, Your Honour, to understand the meaning of “secular”. Hindi version of the Constitution uses word, “Panthanirapeksha”. This was a discovery for me as politicians had told us secular meant Dharmanirpeksha and a former prime minister redefined it as Sarva Dharma Sambhava. Dictionary meaning of the word roughly defined secular assomething not related to religion.

Another sub-search began. What is religion? I tried referring to books, read a few Upanishadas, which I could not understand properly, read Shrimadbhagwatgita, Holy Bible, Holy Quran, Holy Guru Granth Sahib, also tried reading Rigveda, books on Buddhism and Jainism, devotion poetries of Kabir, Tulsidas, Surdas and the like. I did not understand a thing about religion. I knew nothing of it.

What I understood was that a religion was an institution. It was founded by someone. The founders set rules – usually very strict and any deviation was met with punishment, which could extend to death. All founders spoke on the behalf of God – usually calling them by a different name, and these names stood in conflict with one another so that if these founders were to be correct, there must be different gods running different religions. Another thing I understood was that a religion was meant to be campaigned for, to propagate and convert people into. Religions originating in India, I found, were generally weak in propagation with the excellent exceptions of Buddhism and Jainism.

Meanwhile, a lesser known Professor of Hindi in Patna, Javed Akhtar Khan told me during an interaction (in 1999) that neither Dharmanirpeksha nor Sarva Dharma Sambhava could be the correct explanation of the word, secular. He told me that “Ihalaukik” could be the correct Hindi word for secular. Ihalaukik means relating to this world. Religion essentially deals with the realm of the other world. I believe this is the closest definition of secular I have come across so far.

I was among the lot who did not establish a religion, did not set rules for others, and did not follow the rules set by religions. I failed to identify my religion as the word that I had been filling in the box for religion in forms did not meet the criteria. I don’t know who established Hindu religion or Hinduism. I don’t know who set rules on behalf of which god. And, who propagated it. And, also if Vaishnavas were not like Shaktas or Shaivas as my family would tell me, why they were all clubbed as one religion giving impression that Hindus (I don’t want to use this word but I don’t know which word should be used in its stead) are the majority in India? What is my religion then? Is the birth (I don’t want to go into what circumstances may lead to this) sole criterion to judge my religion?

This is the question I need to know the answer to today. The government has never told me or issued a certificate to me classifying my religion. I am not convinced with my own answer I gave for every census record. This becomes all the more pertinent to know because I hear some cleric (I think, a cleric is the person who has some supernatural abilities to comprehend the Will of God) today saying “The courts and Parliament don’t have the right to form any law that goes against Islamic Law.” Another one was saying, “Right or wrong, we will always go by the Shariat, and not any court order. The Shariat is above all courts,” while yet another person declared, “No court is above our law.” (Indian Express dated August 22, 2017 – the day after the triple talaq judgment of the Supreme Court). Also, there are people who declare that irrespective of what judiciary adjudicates, mandir wahin banayenge (we will build temple there only).

If someone else’s law can be above the law of the land, the Constitution, the judiciary or Parliament established by the Constitution, I need to know, do I fall under the jurisdiction of that person or some other person’s law? Which law is governing me? What is my religion which could be above the laws defined by you, My Lord, sitting in the highest court of law in the country?

I do not have hope from the government, as I have already clarified, and I don’t know what my institutional religion is. My Lord, I don’t expect a convenient answer from you. That is already filled in numerous boxes in the forms I have submitted to various institutions, government or private. I have serious objection to using a geographical term to define a religion.

My Lord must have perused that Hindu is a corrupt version of the word Sindhu – name of a river, which flows but for only a small distance in India on its journey to the sea. Some stupid (pardon my language My Lord) people could not pronounce the word correctly and called it Hindu. Some other nincompoops (pardon me again My Lord) could not pronounce H in Hindu and made it up by adding a suffix to it to make it Indus and called the people living around and across the river as Indian. But, for some unexplained reasons, the second stream of imbeciles (pardon me one more time) too used their predecessors’ term for defining the religious practices of a composite people, who – we are told now – believed that religion was personal. But, that is now an archaic concept.

The institutional religion is a modern concept. Otherwise the Constitution would not have guaranteed its practice and propagation, and one of the learned judges on the Constitution Bench in the triple talaq case would not have underlined Freedom of Religion as an absolute fundamental right under a secular Constitution. As a citizen of the country, I need to know my religion to enjoy my absolute Right to Freedom of Religion. I find no better institution to seek the answer from than the Supreme Court whose motto is यतो धर्मस्ततो जयः (Yato Dharmastato Jayah).

So, will My Lord be kind enough to tell me what is my religion under the Constitution of India and also, is my “would be” religion be above all other laws? After all, right to equality – equality before law and equal protection of law – is absolute under the Constitution, the supreme tenet of the country. And, My Lord, you are heading the institution that is the custodian of the Constitution.

With eternal (because we, Indians take long, really long to settle our matters of adjudication) hope, I will be waiting for your decision and judgment on my (and millions others’) religion,

Prabhash K Dutta (Deleted my phone and Aadhaar numbers mentioned in the original letter.)

Why Rahul Gandhi should bury his PM dream for 2019


Congress president Rahul Gandhi during his Germany tour in August 2018. (Photo: Twitter/@RahulGandhi)
During his Karnataka Assembly campaign Congress president Rahul Gandhi had said: The deadliest thing in Indian politics is Opposition unity. It will smash everything in its path. Mister Rajiv Gandhi had 415 seats and 40 per cent of the vote (in 1984 election) but he could not withstand Opposition unity.

Rahul Gandhi's statement reflected Congress's desire to achieve Opposition unity to test the BJP in 2019 election. The Congress, first under Sonia Gandhi and now under Rahul Gandhi, has been aspiring to assume the role of a unifier and a leader of the Opposition bloc. But, the Monsoon Session of Parliament showed that the Congress or Rahul Gandhi may not be the rallying point for the entire Opposition.

The Congress received two setbacks in three weeks over 18 sittings of the Monsoon Session. On July 20, the no-confidence motion - moved by the TDP but only after Congress's approval - was soundly defeated in the Lok Sabha. Twenty days later, Congress could not get enough support for its candidate BK Hari Prasad in the election for the deputy chairperson of the Rajya Sabha.

Defeat of the no-confidence motion in the Lok Sabha looked certain given the number of MPs the BJP has in the House. But going into trial of strength in the Lok Sabha, Congress leader Sonia Gandhi had thrown a challenge saying, "Who says we don't have numbers?" The House said so. But more than the defeat of the no-confidence motion, it was poor managerial skills that should rankle the Congress.

The Shiv Sena has been utterly unhappy with the BJP. It is fighting its oldest ally, the BJP, every other day. But the Congress failed to win over the sulking party leadership. Rahul Gandhi did not even reach out to the Shiv Sena chief Uddhav Thackeray. Shiv Sena abstained during voting on no-confidence motion. The BJD also stayed away from voting while the AIADMK voted against the motion. They are non-NDA parties. Rahul Gandhi failed to bring them on his side. No initiative was visible from his side.

During the Rajya Sabha deputy chairperson election on August 9, again an unhappy Shiv Sena voted with the NDA partners. The BJD, AIADMK and TRS voted for the NDA nominee Harivansh. Rahul Gandhi again faltered by not approaching these parties for support - not even the YSR Congress, which abstained from voting.

The Congress under Rahul Gandhi is showing signs of rigidity under false notion of its muscular strength in many states. Odisha is a classic example. The BJD has been in power in Odisha for 18 years. The BJP has emerged as the principal challenger to the BJD in Odisha. The Congress is definitely the number three. 

Yet, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and BJP president Amit Shah manage to get support of the BJD in Parliament while Rahul Gandhi does not seem inclined to reach out to Naveen Patnaik, the Odisha chief minister. Rahul Gandhi seems to harbour misplaced belief that the Congress can win back power in Odisha.

Delhi is another example. Delhi Chief Minister and AAP boss Arvind Kejriwal is a bitter critic of PM Modi and the BJP but Rahul Gandhi has not shown any inclination till date to have him on board to stitch Opposition unity. Congress heavyweights like Ajay Maken in Delhi seem to give a false hope to Rahul Gandhi that the party can win the next Assembly election here. 

The party had been reduced to naught in 2015, when only eight Congress candidates had succeeded in saving their deposits. Even Sheila Dikshit, the then chief minister, had lost her deposit to Arvind Kejriwal, who has been extremely critical of PM Modi and the BJP. Still, Rahul Gandhi and the Congress have treated Arvind Kejriwal as political outcaste. 

In the case of Uttar Pradesh, Rahul Gandhi's "friendship" with SP president Akhilesh Yadav broke as soon as BSP chief Mayawati agreed to fight together. The SP-BSP alliance defeated the BJP even while ignoring the Congress. 

The SP and BSP are going to fight together in Madhya Pradesh. They are likely to have alliance with local Gondwana Gantantra Party but the Congress is not in their scheme of things. Rahul Gandhi has not dropped any hint of accommodating these parties, which have influence in certain pockets of Madhya Pradesh. The Congress is faction-ridden in Madhya Pradesh, where the BJP is seeking a fourth consecutive term in power.

The Congress's relation with the NCP is not smooth. The NCP is ready to extend support to the minority BJP government despite having shared power with the Congress both in the state and at the Centre. NCP chief Sharad Pawar has repeatedly hinted that he wants a free hand in mobilising Opposition parties against the BJP, but Rahul Gandhi does not seem to be comfortable. 

The CPI-M has passed a resolution stating that it would have no arrangement with the Congress for election or other political purposes. The TMC is not ready to let Rahul Gandhi assume the leadership role for the entire Opposition. 

In Parliament, both the NCP and the TMC tried to show their independent anti-BJP credentials than being a partner of the Congress. Even the TDP tries to maintain distance from Rahul Gandhi's Congress in Parliament.

Rahul Gandhi, at present seems to have only one unflinching alliance partner in the form of Tejashwi Yadav of the RJD. Omar Abdullah of the National Conference is another leader, who supports Rahul Gandhi but that seems more personal than political. 

On the other hand, PM Modi and Amit Shah have managed to keep the allies together. If Odisha is a demonstration of how Rahul Gandhi has failed to show political maneuverability, Bihar showcases Amit Shah's ability to keep the allies together. Despite the JDU's reentry in the NDA last year, the BJP keeps holding the LJP and RLSP in the fold.

With twin failures in Parliament in 20 days, Rahul Gandhi now has a huge challenge to win Assembly elections in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Mizoram later this year. If he fails to win these elections, he would have to bury his own dream - acknowledged during Karnataka Assembly polls - of becoming the prime minister in 2019.

(This was originally written for Indiatoday.in but somehow, it did not pass the editorial test. I am just posting it on my blog to keep this use-less piece for record.)

Karnataka election: Understanding dance of democracy in regional context

Congress workers led by NSUI staging a protest in Mysuru during election campaign for Karnataka Assembly election. (Photo: NSUIKarnataka)
Electioneering has entered its last lap in Karnataka Assembly election which is all set for a triangular contest between the ruling Congress, lead contender the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Janata Dal (Secular), which is eyeing to play kingmaker after results are declared on May 15. The votes will be cast on May 12 for 224 Assembly seats in Karnataka.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi hit the campaign trail in Karnataka on Tuesday while senior BJP leaders including party president Amit Shah, chief ministerial candidate BS Yeddyurappa and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath have been relentlessly campaigning in the state.
Congress president Rahul Gandhi has already completely seventh leg of election campaign in Karnataka. He is expected to address more rallies in the state beginning Thursday till the campaign ends on May 10.
Karnataka has 30 districts which are geographically divided in six regions on the basis of regional historical similarities. These regions have shown distinctive political and electoral trend in the past elections. The regions are: Hyderabad Karnataka, Bombay Karnataka, Central Karnataka, Coastal Karnataka and Southern Karnataka or Old Mysore (Mysuru) region.
Hyderabad Karnataka
Hyderabad Karnataka is called so because the districts comprising the region were once part of the princely State of Hyderabad. These districts – Bidar, Gulbarg, Yadgir, Raichur and Koppal – have 40 Assembly segments. The region has sizeable population of the Lingayats and OBCs.
Congress leader in the Lok Sabha Mallikarjun Kharge is the powerful OBC leader from this region. Before crackdown on mining baron brothers – the Reddys (G Janardhana Reddy, G Karunakara Reddy and G Somashekara Reddy of Bellary) – were also a force to reckon with in this region.
Despite the presence of known BJP supporters in the Lingayats and the Reddy brothers, the entire region has voted favourably for the Congress. In the last Assembly election in 2013, the Congress won 23 seats while the BJP won seven. The Karnataka Janata Paksha (KJP) of BS Yeddyurappa won two. Now the KJP has merged with the BJP. The JDS had won five seats while others secured two seats.
In terms of vote share, the Congress polled 35 per cent votes in 2013 followed by the BJP at 17 per cent and the JD(S) at 16 per cent. The KJP secured 14 per cent votes. The combined vote share of the BJP and KJP stood at 31 per cent in 2013.
The scenario changed dramatically in 2014 Lok Sabha polls, by when BS Yeddyurappa had returned to the BJP fold. In 2014, the BJP secured 47 per cent votes followed by the Congress at 45 per cent while JD(S) got only 2 per cent vote – 14 per cent less than what it polled just a year ago.
If we interpolate the vote share of the Lok Sabha polls on the Karnataka Assembly constituencies, the BJP could have won 23 seats in 2014 with the Congress pocketing the rest 17 segments.
Currently, six Assembly seats in the region are vacant, four of which were won by the JD(S) and one each by the Congress and the BJP.
Bombay Karnataka
Bombay Karnataka region comprises of districts that were carved out from the former State of Bombay. The region has six districts – Bijapur, Bagalkot, Belgaum, Dharwad, Gadag and Haveri – and 50 Assembly seats. Gadag and Haveri were originally part of Dharwad district before they became separate administrative units.
The region has strong presence of the Lingayats and has sent powerful leaders like JH Patel, Ramakrishna Hegde and SR Bommai in the past. It has been a BJP stronghold since 2008 Karnataka election. The BJP performed well in 2009 parliamentary polls and also in 2014 elections. However, the Congress was benefitted the most when Yeddyurappa parted ways with the BJP ahead of 2013 Assembly election.
In 2013, the Congress won 30 seats in the region followed by the BJP which got 15 seats. The JD(S) won just one. Yeddyurappa’s KJP also won only one Assembly segment. Others got three seats. The Congress’ vote share in 2013 was 38 per cent followed by the BJP (27 per cent), the JD(S) – 11 per cent – and the KJP (10 per cent).
In 2014, the BJP regained primacy in the region polling 51 per cent of votes while the Congress got 43 per cent seat. The JD(S) suffered major loss getting only two per cent votes. Going by the vote share of 2014 elections, the BJP was leading in 39 Assembly segments while the Congress was reduced to 11 – down from 30 a year ago.
 Coastal Karnataka
Karnataka has three districts that have direct access to the Arabian Sea. These are Uttar Kannada, Udupi and Dakshin Kannada. The region has 19 seats which have seen electoral tussles fashioned by religious divides.
Coastal region has sizeable population of Christians and Muslims, who are numerically placed to influence election results at many seats in the Coastal Karnataka. The Hindutva agenda of the BJP becomes a talking point during election time here. 
In 2013, when the BJP was smarting under the impact of Yeddyurappa’s revolt, the Congress secured 13 seats in Coastal Karnataka. The BJP won only three seats. In terms of vote share, the Congress polled 43 per cent votes while the BJP got 34 per cent and the JD(S) nine per cent. The KJP had polled three per cent of the votes.
A year later, the BJP secured 55 per cent votes with Congress lost three per cent votes compared to the Assembly election while the JD(S) could get only 0.3 per cent vote. In 2014, the BJP could have won 17 Assembly seats while the Congress led in two constituencies only.
Central Karnataka
The four districts of Chikmaglur, Chitradurga, Davangere and Shimoga form the Central Karnataka region which has 26 seats. Both the Congress and the BJP claim equal dominance in the region that has been a witness to many close contests in the past.
In 2014, the BJP secured 46 per cent votes comfortably ahead of Congress’ 37 per cent. The performance was better than the combined vote share of the BJP and KJP in 2013 Karnataka Assembly polls when they polled 33 per cent (15+18) votes.
The Congress won 15 seats in 2013 followed by JD(S) that won six seats and the BJP which pocketed four seats. Chief Minister Siddaramaiah hopes to keep Congress’ lead in the region with his government’s proposal for according minority status to the Lingayats.
The Central Karnataka has strong presence of Veershaivas and Lingayats. While Veershaivas don’t consider Lingayats as a separate sect, the latter have harboured an ambition of a being recognised as a distinct religious denomination. They have had long historical connect. With Siddaramaiah playing to the gallery by sending Karnataka government’s recommendation to the Centre, the Congress is likely to gain from a possible split in the Lingayat votes.
Southern Karnataka or Old Mysore (Mysuru) region
The Mysore region is electorally the most significant part of Karnataka. It comprises of nine districts – Tumkur, Chikkaballapura, Kolar, Ramanagar, Chamarajnagar, Mandya, Hassan, Kodagu and Mysore or Mysuru - and has 57 Assembly segments.
This region has strong presence of Vokkaligas making Deve Gowda’s JD(S) a force in Karnataka politics. The Congress has done well in the past in this region which gave the party a leader like SM Krishna, who is now with the BJP. He had quit the Congress saying that he had been sidelined but in the BJP, he is not seen campaigning anywhere for the party in Karnataka Assembly election.
In 2013, the Congress got 26 of 57 seats in Old Mysore region followed by 25 won by the JD(S) and three by the BJP. In terms of vote share, the Congress got 38 per cent votes while the JD(S) polled 34 per cent and the BJP secured eight per cent. The KJP got nine per cent vote here.
In 2014 Lok Sabha elections, the Congress retained its superiority by securing 42 per cent votes that could have translated into victory at 34 Assembly seats. The JD(S) won 29 per cent votes leading in 15 Assembly segments while the BJP got 24 per cent votes securing lead on 10 seats. Currently five Assembly seats are vacant in the Mysore region.
Bangalore region
Bangalore is the heart of political activities in Karnataka. Though it is geographically part of the Mysore region, it is treated as a separate regional political entity which has 32 seats across five districts – Bengaluru Urban, Bengaluru Rural, Brihan Bengaluru Metropolitan (BBMP) North, BBMP South and BBMP Central.
The Congress and the BJP have been in close electoral fight in Bangalore region in the past. In 2013, the Congress won 15 seats while the BJP pocketed 12 and the JD(S) five, two of which are currently vacant. The Congress polled 41 per cent votes in 2013 followed by the BJP at 32 per cent (plus two per cent by the KJP) while the JD(S) secured 19 per cent votes.
In 2014 Lok Sabha polls, the BJP saw a surge polling 53 per cent of the votes that could have translated into victory at 24 Assembly seats. The Congress got 37 per cent or 8 Assembly seats if the Lok Sabha election votes are taken into account. The JD(S) got only six per cent votes in 2014.
Overall, the Congress had won 37 per cent votes in 2013 for 122 seats and the BJP and the JD(S) 20 per cent each for winning equal number of 40 seats.  In 2014 elections, the Congress polled 41.2 per cent votes while the BJP got 43.4 per cent votes.
If 2014 vote share was interpolated on the Assembly segments, the BJP would have won 132 seats followed by the Congress at 77 and the JD(S) at 15.
(A part of write up appeared on indiatoday.in) 

Prabhash's Videos

Atal Bihari Vajpayee, BJP's master politician who profoundly admired Jawaharlal Nehru 😊😊

Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru (Photo: @AJnKyaG

It is nothing short of a sin for a BJP leader to speak good of the Congress and particularly of the party leaders from Nehru-Gandhi family. It is, however, a totally different matter that the BJP has appropriated half of the Nehru-Gandhi lineage - those who survived Sanjay Gandhi, the most controversial politician from the family.

Nevertheless, the BJP threw up a prime minister, who is accorded the status of a deity in the Sangh family's political extension, and who respected Congress's patron ideologue Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru immensely.

Atal Bihari Vajpayee, 93 now, formed the first BJP-led government at the Centre. Over a period of six years, Vajpayee held the prime minister's post and was the most glowing man from the Sangh Parivar until Shining India campaign took his lustre out in 2004. Vajpayee is reportedly in an almost vegetative state and following the diktat of providence.

On the basis of whatever I could gather about him, I can't say that I know enough about him to describe his persona. But a few things stand out about him.

Vajpayee was a core believer in Hindutva as defined in Sangh's own dictionary. The literal meaning of Sangh's Hindutva overlaps with Hinduism as religion. But going by Sangh's lexicon, Hindutva is an umbrella concept for all the people whose forefathers had roots in India. 

This is a very confusing concept because no one knows what the cutoff date is for demarcating the founding of roots. And, what if someone came to India just after the cutoff date. Fixing a date is troublesome and discriminatory. The men and women who came here and adopted India as their home, and became Indians are long gone. Their progeny is here. 

None can differentiate today between the children from the two or more stocks. They have become one. And, even if one can distinguish and define them as separate from one another, can that be the basis for hailing one group as Hindu and rejecting the other as non-Hindu if both practice and follow the same culture?

Compare this with what is happening in Assam or for that matter in Jharkhand. If some groups want 1971 as the cut off date in Assam or a few others even an early date, in Jharkhand there is a demand for and protest against making 1931 as the cut off date for recognising a person as domiciled. Who is true Assamese or Jharkhandian? How is someone born before 1931 a greater Jharkhandian than someone born in 1991 or 2011 for that matter?

Given that major anthropological and historical view (whether one accepts or not) is that the humans evolved in East Africa around Ethiopia and travelled to different parts of the world in successive millennia, who can claim to be a true Hindu? If someone or the other settled on some piece of land first, can s/he be the sole claimant of that land? It is no fault of others if they were born years or millennia later.

Coming back to Sangh and Vajpayee, they have not made it clear if there is any cut off date. But a large number of their supporters and followers thrive on religious Hindutva and give the entire academic discourse a communal fodder to fight for in politics and society.

Secondly, Vajpayee was a fierce nationalist. An incident from mid-late 1990s shows his concern for national interests. At one point in the 1990s, three governments came and went in super quick succession. Vajpayee was so worried - with economies in the South East Asia floundering - that he sent an emissary to Manmohan Singh with a proposal that if Congress could make the latter the prime minister, the BJP would support a Congress government from outside. He had secured the support of LK Advani for the same. This is unthinkable today whatever the cause may be.

Thirdly, though Vajpayee supported, with brains the least if not browns, demolition of Babri mosque at what is believed to be the birthplace of Lord Rama - his speech given on December 5, 1992 is a testimony to that, he was not a leader to advocate discrimination against Muslims on the ground of religion. His poetry on the partition of India is living evidence. It is reproduced here under:

पंद्रह अगस्त की पुकार
पंद्रह अगस्त का दिन कहता --
आज़ादी अभी अधूरी है।
सपने सच होने बाक़ी हैं,
रावी की शपथ न पूरी है।।

जिनकी लाशों पर पग धर कर
आज़ादी भारत में आई।
वे अब तक हैं ख़ानाबदोश
ग़म की काली बदली छाई।।

कलकत्ते के फ़ुटपाथों पर
जो आँधी-पानी सहते हैं।
उनसे पूछो, पंद्रह अगस्त के
बारे में क्या कहते हैं।।

हिंदू के नाते उनका दु:ख
सुनते यदि तुम्हें लाज आती।
तो सीमा के उस पार चलो
सभ्यता जहाँ कुचली जाती।।

इंसान जहाँ बेचा जाता,
ईमान ख़रीदा जाता है।
इस्लाम सिसकियाँ भरता है,
डॉलर मन में मुस्काता है।।

भूखों को गोली, नंगों को
हथियार पिन्हाए जाते हैं।
सूखे कंठों से जेहादी
नारे लगवाए जाते हैं।।

लाहौर, कराची, ढाका पर
मातम की है काली छाया।
पख़्तूनों पर, गिलगित पर है
ग़मगीन ग़ुलामी का साया।।

बस इसीलिए तो कहता हूँ
आज़ादी अभी अधूरी है।
कैसे उल्लास मनाऊँ मैं?
थोड़े दिन की मजबूरी है।।

दिन दूर नहीं खंडित भारत को
पुन: अखंड बनाएँगे।
गिलगित से गारो पर्वत तक
आज़ादी पर्व मनाएँगे।।

उस स्वर्ण दिवस के लिए आज से
कमर कसें, बलिदान करें।
जो पाया उसमें खो न जाएँ,
जो खोया उसका ध्यान करें।।


This poem also tells that Vajpayee was a romantic poet. Ironically, he did not marry because, to use his own words, he did not get time to marry.

In 2003, current Union minister Vijay Goel had compiled some interesting facts about Vajpayee's life as the former prime minister turned 78. According to Goel's compilation Jawaharlal Nehru was his fovourite political leader. The BJP leaders, right from LK Advani and Narendra Modi have blamed Nehru for all the ills but Vajpayee admired him for whatever he was.

Informed people say that after Vajpayee first became the external affairs minister and entered his office, he immediately noticed a blank spot on the wall. He had been to the MEA office earlier as well. With the defeat of Indira Gandhi's Congress government in 1977, the Janata Party had come to power. As all the ministry offices were getting new look in anticipation that the new ministers would not like any reminiscences of the past regime, all such signs and symbols were being removed. The same had happened with Atal Bihari Vajpayee's office.

But as they say, Vajpayee was a little different. He immediately noticed that the photograph of the man who held the MEA office for the longest period of 17 years was missing. He asked the secretary about the blank spot on the wall saying, "Panditji's photograph was here. Where has it gone? I want it back."

This seems improbable to have happened over four decades ago. Vajpayee had more than one reason to hate Nehru. He had trained in the RSS, where Nehru was and continues to be the mother of all ills afflicting India. He had partitioned the country, in RSS's book, and allowed Pakistan and China to take half of Kashmir. 

Vajpayee had just been sent to jail by a repressive (Sanjay Gandhi-controlled) Indira Gandhi government. But Vajpayee did not hate Nehru. He got the photograph back to its original spot. It was also a sign that he believed that governance was a continuous process.

How much Vajpayee admired Nehru is also evident from his glowing tribute to the first prime minister of India on the floor of the Lok Sabha on latter's demise in 1964. But that tale in some other tale.

Sridevi: Chandni meets her creator leaving contemporaries in Sadma

Thousands came out on streets in Mumbai to witness Sridevi's last journey


At an informal lunch party that former Union minister Jaipal Reddy had organized at his Delhi residence in 2007 for journalists and some other people, he said that 1990 was the transformational year with which the Age of Innocence ended in India. 

Through silver screen, Sridevi led Indians from that Age of Innocence into the Age of Smartness.

Sridevi was the reigning queen of 1980s and the first female superstar of Indian film industry. She was unparalleled during those days in beauty, elegance and style in the film industry. Sridevi had the innocence of a child and sex appeal of a diva. She effervesced super hotness and coolness of a persona that charmed her in all roles that she played in a career spanning over 40 years.

Having played the role of child Lord Murugan at the age of 4, Sridevi was perhaps destined to be a superstar and darling of the Indian masses. She made her first adult debut when she was only 13 in a Tamil film, Moondru Mudichu meaning three knots. A year ago, she had debuted in Hindi films as a child actor in Julie that came out in 1975 half of India was yet to be born.

She made her debut in Bollywood as lead actress in Solva Sawan. She struck chords with the Hindi masses immediately. She cast a spell on the masses Hindi audience of 1980s films who not accustomed to such grace and sex appeal in one package, especially among the lead female actors.

When Solva Sawan came out in 1979, Sridevi was only 16. It was a remake of a Tamil film in which she had acted along with Kamal Haasan and Rajinikanth, two other superstars from the south. A couple of songs from the film are still among favourites of FM radio stations. 
Sridevi sent movie buffs in a frenzy with her dance sequences pairing with Jeetendra in film Himmatwala in 1983. With Mawali and Tohfa, Jeetendra and Sridevi became the most sought-after pair in Hindi cinema. And, Jaya Prada, now a politician, emerged as her rival.

Rivalry between Sridevi and Jaya Prada was such that despite giving superhit films together, they were not on talking terms.

The open cold war was so intense that even the opposite actors felt uncomfortable. With hope that Sridevi and Jaya Prada would end their fight, Rajesh Khanna and Jeetendra once locked them in the make-up room while shooting for film, Maqsad. But the ice was too thick to break. Sridevi and Jaya Prada didn't talk.

Sridevi's presence in films was a guarantee of success during the mid and late 1980s. She was credited for the super success of Nagina, Nigahen and Chandni even though these were multi-starrer films.

She played opposite Dharmendra, his son Sunny, Amitabh Bachchan, Kamal Haasan, Rajinikanth, Anil Kapoor, Mithun Chakravarty, Akshay Kumar and all the top stars of her heyday.

She had a special relation with Mithun Chakravarty. It was rumoured (there are reports suggesting it to be true) that Mithun and Sridevi secretly married but somehow things did not take the shape they wanted.

Sridevi married Boney Kapoor in the late 1990s. In one of the interviews, Boney Kapoor said that he approached Sridevi for Mr India only because he wanted to get close to her. Sridevi's mother quoted an exorbitant fee of Rs 10 lakh for those days. Boney agreed to pay Rs 11 lakh.

There are several characters that Sridevi will be remembered for. But those played in Sadma, Mr India, Chaalbaaz, Chandni, Nagina, Judaai, English Winglish and MOM may actually never be erased from the memories of her contemporaries.

Today as she was consigned to flames and mingled with the mother earth, Judaai of Chandni, who tried to be the biggest Chaalbaaz, delivering dialogues mixing English Winglish, with the cutest shrill voice, left every Mr India in the gravest Sadma. Sridevi was a true Nagina of Bollywood.

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