Atal Bihari Vajpayee, BJP's master politician who profoundly admired Jawaharlal Nehru ๐Ÿ˜Š๐Ÿ˜Š

Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru (Photo: @AJnKyaG

It is nothing short of a sin for a BJP leader to speak good of the Congress and particularly of the party leaders from Nehru-Gandhi family. It is, however, a totally different matter that the BJP has appropriated half of the Nehru-Gandhi lineage - those who survived Sanjay Gandhi, the most controversial politician from the family.

Nevertheless, the BJP threw up a prime minister, who is accorded the status of a deity in the Sangh family's political extension, and who respected Congress's patron ideologue Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru immensely.

Atal Bihari Vajpayee, 93 now, formed the first BJP-led government at the Centre. Over a period of six years, Vajpayee held the prime minister's post and was the most glowing man from the Sangh Parivar until Shining India campaign took his lustre out in 2004. Vajpayee is reportedly in an almost vegetative state and following the diktat of providence.

On the basis of whatever I could gather about him, I can't say that I know enough about him to describe his persona. But a few things stand out about him.

Vajpayee was a core believer in Hindutva as defined in Sangh's own dictionary. The literal meaning of Sangh's Hindutva overlaps with Hinduism as religion. But going by Sangh's lexicon, Hindutva is an umbrella concept for all the people whose forefathers had roots in India. 

This is a very confusing concept because no one knows what the cutoff date is for demarcating the founding of roots. And, what if someone came to India just after the cutoff date. Fixing a date is troublesome and discriminatory. The men and women who came here and adopted India as their home, and became Indians are long gone. Their progeny is here. 

None can differentiate today between the children from the two or more stocks. They have become one. And, even if one can distinguish and define them as separate from one another, can that be the basis for hailing one group as Hindu and rejecting the other as non-Hindu if both practice and follow the same culture?

Compare this with what is happening in Assam or for that matter in Jharkhand. If some groups want 1971 as the cut off date in Assam or a few others even an early date, in Jharkhand there is a demand for and protest against making 1931 as the cut off date for recognising a person as domiciled. Who is true Assamese or Jharkhandian? How is someone born before 1931 a greater Jharkhandian than someone born in 1991 or 2011 for that matter?

Given that major anthropological and historical view (whether one accepts or not) is that the humans evolved in East Africa around Ethiopia and travelled to different parts of the world in successive millennia, who can claim to be a true Hindu? If someone or the other settled on some piece of land first, can s/he be the sole claimant of that land? It is no fault of others if they were born years or millennia later.

Coming back to Sangh and Vajpayee, they have not made it clear if there is any cut off date. But a large number of their supporters and followers thrive on religious Hindutva and give the entire academic discourse a communal fodder to fight for in politics and society.

Secondly, Vajpayee was a fierce nationalist. An incident from mid-late 1990s shows his concern for national interests. At one point in the 1990s, three governments came and went in super quick succession. Vajpayee was so worried - with economies in the South East Asia floundering - that he sent an emissary to Manmohan Singh with a proposal that if Congress could make the latter the prime minister, the BJP would support a Congress government from outside. He had secured the support of LK Advani for the same. This is unthinkable today whatever the cause may be.

Thirdly, though Vajpayee supported, with brains the least if not browns, demolition of Babri mosque at what is believed to be the birthplace of Lord Rama - his speech given on December 5, 1992 is a testimony to that, he was not a leader to advocate discrimination against Muslims on the ground of religion. His poetry on the partition of India is living evidence. It is reproduced here under:

เคชंเคฆ्เคฐเคน เค…เค—เคธ्เคค เค•ी เคชुเค•ाเคฐ
เคชंเคฆ्เคฐเคน เค…เค—เคธ्เคค เค•ा เคฆिเคจ เค•เคนเคคा --
เค†เคœ़ाเคฆी เค…เคญी เค…เคงूเคฐी เคนै।
เคธเคชเคจे เคธเคš เคนोเคจे เคฌाเค•़ी เคนैं,
เคฐाเคตी เค•ी เคถเคชเคฅ เคจ เคชूเคฐी เคนै।।

เคœिเคจเค•ी เคฒाเคถों เคชเคฐ เคชเค— เคงเคฐ เค•เคฐ
เค†เคœ़ाเคฆी เคญाเคฐเคค เคฎें เค†เคˆ।
เคตे เค…เคฌ เคคเค• เคนैं เค–़ाเคจाเคฌเคฆोเคถ
เค—़เคฎ เค•ी เค•ाเคฒी เคฌเคฆเคฒी เค›ाเคˆ।।

เค•เคฒเค•เคค्เคคे เค•े เคซ़ुเคŸเคชाเคฅों เคชเคฐ
เคœो เค†ँเคงी-เคชाเคจी เคธเคนเคคे เคนैं।
เค‰เคจเคธे เคชूเค›ो, เคชंเคฆ्เคฐเคน เค…เค—เคธ्เคค เค•े
เคฌाเคฐे เคฎें เค•्เคฏा เค•เคนเคคे เคนैं।।

เคนिंเคฆू เค•े เคจाเคคे เค‰เคจเค•ा เคฆु:เค–
เคธुเคจเคคे เคฏเคฆि เคคुเคฎ्เคนें เคฒाเคœ เค†เคคी।
เคคो เคธीเคฎा เค•े เค‰เคธ เคชाเคฐ เคšเคฒो
เคธเคญ्เคฏเคคा เคœเคนाँ เค•ुเคšเคฒी เคœाเคคी।।

เค‡ंเคธाเคจ เคœเคนाँ เคฌेเคšा เคœाเคคा,
เคˆเคฎाเคจ เค–़เคฐीเคฆा เคœाเคคा เคนै।
เค‡เคธ्เคฒाเคฎ เคธिเคธเค•िเคฏाँ เคญเคฐเคคा เคนै,
เคกॉเคฒเคฐ เคฎเคจ เคฎें เคฎुเคธ्เค•ाเคคा เคนै।।

เคญूเค–ों เค•ो เค—ोเคฒी, เคจंเค—ों เค•ो
เคนเคฅिเคฏाเคฐ เคชिเคจ्เคนाเค เคœाเคคे เคนैं।
เคธूเค–े เค•ंเค ों เคธे เคœेเคนाเคฆी
เคจाเคฐे เคฒเค—เคตाเค เคœाเคคे เคนैं।।

เคฒाเคนौเคฐ, เค•เคฐाเคšी, เคขाเค•ा เคชเคฐ
เคฎाเคคเคฎ เค•ी เคนै เค•ाเคฒी เค›ाเคฏा।
เคชเค–़्เคคूเคจों เคชเคฐ, เค—िเคฒเค—िเคค เคชเคฐ เคนै
เค—़เคฎเค—ीเคจ เค—़ुเคฒाเคฎी เค•ा เคธाเคฏा।।

เคฌเคธ เค‡เคธीเคฒिเค เคคो เค•เคนเคคा เคนूँ
เค†เคœ़ाเคฆी เค…เคญी เค…เคงूเคฐी เคนै।
เค•ैเคธे เค‰เคฒ्เคฒाเคธ เคฎเคจाเคŠँ เคฎैं?
เคฅोเคก़े เคฆिเคจ เค•ी เคฎเคœเคฌूเคฐी เคนै।।

เคฆिเคจ เคฆूเคฐ เคจเคนीं เค–ंเคกिเคค เคญाเคฐเคค เค•ो
เคชुเคจ: เค…เค–ंเคก เคฌเคจाเคँเค—े।
เค—िเคฒเค—िเคค เคธे เค—ाเคฐो เคชเคฐ्เคตเคค เคคเค•
เค†เคœ़ाเคฆी เคชเคฐ्เคต เคฎเคจाเคँเค—े।।

เค‰เคธ เคธ्เคตเคฐ्เคฃ เคฆिเคตเคธ เค•े เคฒिเค เค†เคœ เคธे
เค•เคฎเคฐ เค•เคธें, เคฌเคฒिเคฆाเคจ เค•เคฐें।
เคœो เคชाเคฏा เค‰เคธเคฎें เค–ो เคจ เคœाเคँ,
เคœो เค–ोเคฏा เค‰เคธเค•ा เคง्เคฏाเคจ เค•เคฐें।।


This poem also tells that Vajpayee was a romantic poet. Ironically, he did not marry because, to use his own words, he did not get time to marry.

In 2003, current Union minister Vijay Goel had compiled some interesting facts about Vajpayee's life as the former prime minister turned 78. According to Goel's compilation Jawaharlal Nehru was his fovourite political leader. The BJP leaders, right from LK Advani and Narendra Modi have blamed Nehru for all the ills but Vajpayee admired him for whatever he was.

Informed people say that after Vajpayee first became the external affairs minister and entered his office, he immediately noticed a blank spot on the wall. He had been to the MEA office earlier as well. With the defeat of Indira Gandhi's Congress government in 1977, the Janata Party had come to power. As all the ministry offices were getting new look in anticipation that the new ministers would not like any reminiscences of the past regime, all such signs and symbols were being removed. The same had happened with Atal Bihari Vajpayee's office.

But as they say, Vajpayee was a little different. He immediately noticed that the photograph of the man who held the MEA office for the longest period of 17 years was missing. He asked the secretary about the blank spot on the wall saying, "Panditji's photograph was here. Where has it gone? I want it back."

This seems improbable to have happened over four decades ago. Vajpayee had more than one reason to hate Nehru. He had trained in the RSS, where Nehru was and continues to be the mother of all ills afflicting India. He had partitioned the country, in RSS's book, and allowed Pakistan and China to take half of Kashmir. 

Vajpayee had just been sent to jail by a repressive (Sanjay Gandhi-controlled) Indira Gandhi government. But Vajpayee did not hate Nehru. He got the photograph back to its original spot. It was also a sign that he believed that governance was a continuous process.

How much Vajpayee admired Nehru is also evident from his glowing tribute to the first prime minister of India on the floor of the Lok Sabha on latter's demise in 1964. But that tale in some other tale.

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